Publications

This paper argues that even though EU policies in the DRC integrated different components of human security – namely human rights protection, the restoration of law and order, and effective multilateralism – in practice these policies have had mixed success in realizing the objective of human security. This can be explained by three main reasons: (i) EU policies are based on a number of premises about how peace and human security can best be achieved, but these premises are overly simplistic, and in most cases tend to overlook or are disconnected from complexities on the ground; (ii) since the end of the transition in 2006, the EU saw its influence as dominant diplomatic and conflict management actor gradually weakening, and has focused on its role as a development actor, with a specific focus on the implementation of technical projects...

FES London and LSE (February 2016): Europe in the twenty-first century finds itself in the midst of interlocking crises. The EU as a new type of 21st century political institution should be equipped with a set of second generation human security instruments, as the Berlin Report states. This report is the result of a joint project of FES London and the LSE and provides a new framework for a common European Foreign and Security Policy, aiming at the stabilisation and sustainable resolution of ongoing conflicts.

The European Union (EU) has resorted to sanctions on several occasions in the last two decades, led by the assumption that restrictive measures would be less invasive and harmful than war. This paper discusses sanctions from a human security perspective. Specifically, it assesses the extent to which the EU has been aligned with a human security approach in using restrictive measures. The paper examines EU sanctions practice in relation to two principles of human security: human rights and a bottom-up approach.

Despite Europe’s mass investments in border controls, people keep arriving along the continent’s shores under desperate circumstances. European attempts to ‘secure’ the borders have quite clearly failed, yet more of the same response is again rolled out in response to the escalating ‘refugee crisis’. Amid the deadlock, this paper argues that we need to grasp the mechanics of the European ‘border security model’ in order to open up for a shift.

This report traces the EU’s policy response to the conflict in Syria. It argues that in the EU’s efforts to assert influence against the Assad regime through threatening – and eventually – withdrawing from EU-Syrian partnership agreements and imposing

sanctions, the EU has actually reduced its influence in the region. Instead this dis-engagement has exposed the EU to increasing humanitarian costs (particularly with the refugee crisis), and increasing threat of extremism. This report thus considers what the EU should do in responding to the conflict in Syria, particularly in engaging with justice approaches to conflict resolutions, including an engagement with civil society.

This paper analyses multiple policy instruments used by the EU and their effects in the Western Balkans from a conflict networks perspective, developed by the authors. The conflict network perspective is an agential approach to the effects of networks on peacebuilding outcomes that analyzes relations rather than actors or categories. It allows us to capture an enduring character

of relations developed through war-time violence which are sustained and reworked in the context of a local political authority in response to the international peace-building efforts.

This paper confronts the challenges of developing a European Union human security strategy for the Horn of Africa (HoA). It observes that the EU already has a broad strategy of regional engagement, driven by strategic interests, but there is a need for greater coherence and prioritization to respond to the specific forms and logics of governance that shape security in this region and to emerging security threats. It provides an overview of the history, geography and politics of the HoA and examines EU policy, and differences between its perspectives and those of the governments of the HoA, and civil society.

Progressive Economy Initiative supported by the S&D Group (January 2016): The ‘Journal for a Progressive Economy’ aims to foster an informed and sincere public debate on the economic, social and environmental policy of a progressive economy. The 7th issue ‘Technological Revolution’ features a variety of articles on three different topics: the creation of the right conditions for a new world of work, the possibility of an equal digital revolution and innovation in the digital single market.

Colin Miller (June 2015): The question of English Votes for English Laws (EVEL) presents progressives with political and constitutional challenges. This paper, published by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung and Compass, is based on consultation with MPs and constitutional experts. It recommends a solution based on three elements: dealing with EVEL in an appropriate matter, implementing a deep rooted process of localism and devolution and establishing a constitutional convention that examines the complex question of the relationship between the nations, regions, local government and neighbourhoods and the replacement of the House of Lords with a House of Nations and Regions.

Engelbert Stockhammer (April 2015): Wage-led growth is an equitable strategy for recovery that realises that wage growth can support demand via consumption expenditures and it can also induce higher productivity growth. The Research Essay provides an overview of the concept of wage-led growth, both as an analytical concept and as an economic policy strategy. It distinguishes between wage-led and profit-led demand regimes and argues that the available evidence indicates that demand in most economies is domestically wage-led.